Photo provided by Flickr
Effects of child abuse and neglect for adult survivors
Evaluations of the CPC program used information from the Chicago Longitudinal Study (CLS), which followed 1,539 low-income minority students (of whom 95 percent are African-American, and 5 percent are Hispanic). The students were scheduled to graduate kindergarten in 26 public elementary schools in Chicago in the spring of 1986. All children resided in neighborhoods eligible for Title I services. Among them were 1,150 children who were enrolled in 20 CPCs that had both preschool and kindergarten programs, and those students served as the "treatment" group. The comparison group consisted of 389 children who were students at six randomly selected schools participating in a full-day kindergarten program for low-income students. For some of the analyses, some of the children in the comparison group had received CPC services in grades one through three. At the start of the CLS, the majority of the two groups family and child characteristics were similar (Reynolds, 1997; Reynolds and Temple, 1995; Reynolds et al., 2001).
Students were followed for a total of 19 years, after which time the children were an average of 23-24 years old. At the 19-year follow-up, data were available for 91 percent of the original CPC program group and 89 percent of the original comparison group. A range of outcomes for the CPC program and the comparison children were compared at many points in time, beginning at prekindergarten, continuing in multiple school-age grades, and ending when the students were age 24. In addition, outcomes have been examined for children with varying levels of participation in CPCs. For example, a study by Reynolds (2000) assessed program outcomes through grades eight and nine for five different groups. The evaluation first examined students who participated in a CPC program during preschool versus all other children who did not attend preschool (but may have participated in school-age CPC programming). Next, the impact of participation in the CPC program, regardless of length, was assessed. Third, the author studied the impact of any participation in the follow-on (school-age) program versus no participation in the follow-on program. Fourth, the author assessed the impact of years of CPC program participation to determine whether there might be a cumulative effect of additional years of program involvement. Finally, the study looked at the impact of extended participation in the CPC program by comparing children who had participated for a total of more than four years up to six years with children who had participated in the program for only four years.
The sample sizes in the different studies varied based on the particular outcome measure evaluated and on the year of analysis (kindergarten; grades three, five, six, seven, eight, or nine; or at the 15-year or 19-year follow-ups). However, in most cases, the total sample size (for both the CPC group and comparison group combined) was more than 1,000. Student outcomes were assessed using a variety of measures including the Iowa Test of Basic Skills (ITBS) standardized test of school readiness and math and reading achievement; school records regarding grade retention, graduation, placement in remedial/special education services, and delinquent behavior; arrest, conviction, and incarceration records; and child maltreatment reports. Most of the analyses in the evaluations cited in the next section under Key Evaluation Findings controlled for child, family, and school characteristics when comparing the mean differences between the CPC program children and the comparison group.
More recently, researchers have compared the costs of the CPC program with estimates of its outcome, to determine its cost-to-benefit ratio (Reynolds et al., 2002).
Photo provided by Flickr
Home | What We Do | Research | Statistics/Data
The prosecution charged that after delivering the children toschool, she would sometimes keep three or four of them and take them toa mysterious location, where she and a man known to the children onlyas "Joseph" would commit various sexual acts with them, makethem drink urine, and poke them with needles and sticks. But anexamination of the police investigation leaves many disturbingquestions; questions about the children's testimony, questions aboutwhether Smith and Allen even knew each other -- questions aboutwhether, in fact, any crimes were committed at all.
UPDATE: 2/22/07 -
Photo provided by Flickr
Foundation testimony of a generic nature, which is not biased or adversarial, might encourage the courts to use a team of appointed experts, who could assist the fact finders in gaining a broad understanding of the complex issues in a child abuse proceeding. Such a team with members well versed in applying scientifically sound formulations could then be applied to the case at bar without the intrusion of the adversarial process. In this manner, a team could provide the court with the most objective and non-biased interpretation of the matter, from a myriad of perspectives. This team, acting almost as a committee, would subject the case to the various analysis and report their clinical perspective to the judge or jury.
Photo provided by Pexels
Child-Parent Centers - Promising Practices Network
In most states, expert testimony is now guided by three basic criteria: it must be of more probative value than prejudicial, it must not invade the province of the fact finder (judge or jury), and it must be based on accepted scientific principles. Traditionally, expert testimony in cases of alleged child abuse has become more and more a part of court proceedings, but has been limited to specific areas, i.e. evaluation of children, parents, and/or defendant, as well as some limited testimony on the dynamics of sexual abuse generically. To a lesser degree, some courts have also permitted experts to offer opinion with respect to the cognitive capability of child witnesses, usually at a pretrial competency hearing, out of the presence of the jury (Schuman, 1986). This is especially true of cases which involve very young children, or those which emanate from divorce and/or custody disputes (Benedek & Schetky, 1984).
Program description of Child-Parent Centers
In this study, the psycho-social factors that predisposed children to abuse were loss of one or both parents, not living with both parents, not sharing social activities with their parents or irregular attendance at church services. Also children who identified their parents as users of alcohol, who saw their parents in a drunken state or reported their parents as illicit drug users were at an increase risk of abuse. Children who were not interesting in living with their parents trended towards having an abusive experience.
Factors in Human Development - Blatner
Most states have now adopted one or more legal reforms, which directly impact cases of child abuse, especially when the charge is sexual abuse. In general, in addition to more frequent use of expert testimony, the rules of evidence have been modified to allow more latitude for experts. Even in the criminal courts, experts are now allowed to testify to facts which have not been admitted into evidence. These include history which may have been taken, hearsay statements and hypotheticals.